For decades, policymakers in Washington and across the Gulf have treated Iran primarily as a sectarian power – a Shi’ite state competing with Sunni Arab regimes for regional dominance.
But that analysis misses a critical truth: Since 1979, Tehran has methodically positioned itself as a leader not only of Shi’ites, but of the broader Muslim world. And it did so by weaponizing one of the most emotionally powerful issues in global Islam – the Palestinian cause.
When Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini seized power during Iran’s Islamic Revolution, his ambitions extended far beyond Tehran. He envisioned a revolutionary state that would export ideology, reshape Middle Eastern politics, and ultimately challenge Western influence throughout the Muslim world.
Within weeks of consolidating power, Khomeini declared the creation of “International Quds Day,” to be observed annually on the last Friday of Ramadan. On August 7, 1979, he called upon Muslims worldwide to demonstrate solidarity with Palestinians and to oppose Israel’s control of Jerusalem. This was not a symbolic gesture: It was strategic mischief.
Jerusalem – al-Quds in Arabic – holds sacred significance for Muslims across sectarian lines. By centering his revolution around the “liberation” of Jerusalem, Khomeini effectively bypassed the Sunni-Shi’ite divide. He reframed Iran’s revolution not as a Shi’ite uprising, but as a pan-Islamic struggle against Israel and, by extension, against Western influence.
Senior Iranian clerics, including Naser Makarem Shirazi, described participation in Quds Day as a religious duty – elevating political mobilization into spiritual obligation. The message was clear: supporting Iran’s framing of the Palestinian issue was not merely political – it was religiously mandated.
For Sunni-majority nations, opposing such a narrative became politically risky. Governments such as Saudi Arabia, while wary of Iran’s revolutionary agenda, found it difficult to openly challenge a cause so deeply embedded in Muslim public opinion. The result was a gradual normalization of Tehran’s ideological leadership on one of Islam’s most emotionally charged issues.
Meanwhile, the Islamic Republic moved beyond symbolism. Through relationships with groups such as Hamas and Palestinian Islamic Jihad, Iran embedded itself directly into the Palestinian arena. These alliances allowed Tehran to exert tangible influence in conflicts that resonate across the Sunni world.
From symbolism to institutionalized power projection
At the institutional level, the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps became the primary vehicle for exporting Iran’s revolutionary doctrine. Its external operations extended into Lebanon, Syria, Iraq, Yemen, and beyond. Over time, Iran’s network of aligned militias and political actors formed a transnational web of influence stretching across the Middle East. For the United States and its allies, this development carries serious implications.
Iran’s strategy has not merely been about regional rivalry. It has been about shaping global Muslim political consciousness in a direction hostile to Western interests. Quds Day rallies in cities across Europe and North America serve as reminders that Tehran’s ideological export is not geographically confined.
The narrative architecture constructed in 1979 continues to function today: portray Iran as the uncompromising defender of Jerusalem; frame Sunni governments as passive or compromised; and position the West – particularly the United States – as the ultimate adversary.
This strategy has produced a paradox. Despite deep theological differences, segments of Sunni political movements and public opinion have at times echoed narratives aligned with Tehran’s framing of Israel and the West.
The Gulf monarchies – including Qatar, Kuwait, Bahrain, and the United Arab Emirates – have periodically accused Iran of interference or carrying out destabilizing activities. Yet the ideological groundwork laid through decades of “al-Quds” mobilization has complicated efforts to counter Tehran’s influence decisively.
For American policymakers, the lesson is clear: Iran’s power projection is not limited to missiles, drones, or proxy militias – it is rooted in narrative dominance. By claiming guardianship over a cause central to Muslim identity, Tehran constructed a moral shield that softens sectarian resistance and broadens its appeal. Ignoring this dimension risks misreading the nature of the challenge.
The Iranian model demonstrates how a revolutionary state can leverage religious symbolism to transcend demographic limitations. A Shi’ite minority power succeeded in speaking to Sunni populations by carefully choosing the right issue – one that resonates emotionally and spiritually. For Sunni governments, a strategic reassessment may be overdue; for the West, complacency would be dangerous.
The ideological infrastructure built by Khomeini in 1979 has matured into a durable geopolitical instrument. It continues to influence public opinion, shape alliances, and complicate efforts to contain Tehran’s ambitions. If policymakers focus solely on military containment while neglecting the ideological battlefield, they will continue to underestimate Iran’s long-term strategy.
Nearly half a century after the Islamic Revolution, the architecture of Quds Day still stands – not merely as an annual protest, but as a reminder that influence in the modern Middle East is won as much through symbolism and narrative as through force.
The question is no longer whether Iran seeks leadership beyond its sectarian base. The evidence suggests it has pursued that objective methodically for decades. The more pressing question is whether the Sunni Arab states – and the United States – are prepared to confront not just Iran’s weapons, but its ideas.
The writer is an award-winning journalist, writer, and editor of the newspaper Blitz. He specializes in counterterrorism and regional geopolitics. Follow him on X: @Salah_Shoaib.