This weekend, the Republican Jewish Coalition will gather at the Venetian hotel in Las Vegas for a sold-out summit that has become a must-attend event for party leaders. The setting is fitting for an organization that now sits near the center of the GOP’s policy-making on Israel.

The Venetian hosts the event, and, while Las Vegas Sands sold the property in 2022, Miriam Adelson remains one of the most consequential philanthropists in the RJC.

The arc of American Jewish voting is well known. For generations, a clear majority of Jewish voters identified with or leaned toward the Democratic Party. Pew’s most recent comprehensive study still found roughly seven out of ten Jews identifying or leaning Democratic.

A larger Republican minority

Yet there is a visible Republican uptick at the margins. The RJC says Donald Trump received about 35% of the Jewish vote in 2024, the best GOP showing since the 1980s, while independent polling showed Democrats still winning a solid majority.

Both trends can be true at once, and together, they describe a community that remains largely Democratic, with a larger Republican minority than before.

Matt Brooks, CEO of Republican Jewish Coalition speaks on stage on the second day of the Republican National Convention at the Fiserv Forum on July 16, 2024 in Milwaukee, Wisconsin.
Matt Brooks, CEO of Republican Jewish Coalition speaks on stage on the second day of the Republican National Convention at the Fiserv Forum on July 16, 2024 in Milwaukee, Wisconsin. (credit: Scott Olson/Getty Images)

What changed inside the Republican Party is clearer still. During the past decade, the GOP moved from being reliably pro-Israel to staking out signature policies that reset the regional map.

The embassy move to Jerusalem, promised for years by both parties and finally implemented in 2018, and the Abraham Accords, which opened formal ties with the UAE, Bahrain, and later Morocco and Sudan, were consequential acts that reshaped expectations. They anchored a worldview in which US-Israel alignment is explicit, and Arab-Israeli normalization is a practical project rather than a slogan.

The RJC’s role has grown in parallel with it. It is no longer a boutique voice; it has become an organizing machine with a national reach and substantial funding.

In 2024, it raised and spent more than $15 million to mobilize Jewish voters in key states, pairing micro-targeting with a relentless ground game. That capacity means the RJC does not just cheer from the sidelines; it shapes candidate incentives and legislative priorities.

The Jerusalem Post sees opportunity and responsibility. After Trump’s historic moves on Jerusalem and on normalization, we would like to see the RJC use its rising influence to help rebuild what matters most now: Israel’s security and resilience, the fabric of the Israel-US relationship, and the widening of the Abraham Accords to additional countries.

This is not only about who sits in the Oval Office; it is about turning policy wins into long-term architecture that endures political cycles and serves the interests of both nations. Independent assessments show the Abraham Accords have already created tangible economic and people-to-people dividends. There is more runway ahead if the next phase is managed with discipline and patience.

Another concern is that public opinion on Israel has grown more polarized in the US, and support among younger Americans has softened. The RJC can meet this moment by investing in the next generation of Republican leaders.

That means educating rising politicians about Israel’s defense needs, Iran’s regional project, the costs of isolationism, and the redlines on antisemitism, while also equipping them to speak credibly about Palestinian dignity and the pursuit of realistic diplomacy.

The goal is simple and ambitious: We hope the next generation in the GOP will be as pro-Israel as today’s leaders, if not more, because they will be better briefed, not merely louder on social media.

Three practical priorities follow for the RJC in Las Vegas. First, help restore a bipartisan floor for Israel funding and security cooperation, even while leaning into Republican strength. Second, deepen the Abraham Accords’ economic foundation so that normalization becomes irreversible through shared interests in energy, water, healthcare, and technology. Third, expand the pipeline from campus to Congress, recruiting young Jewish and non-Jewish conservatives who understand both the moral case for Israel and the strategic case for regional integration.

The RJC has the venue, the audience, and the momentum. If it leverages this summit to align resources with a long-term plan, it can help rebuild Israel in a challenging year, strengthen the US-Israel alliance for the long term, and bring more capitals into the circle of peace. That would be a service not to one party but to the shared future we are all trying to secure.