A prevalent approach in Israel assumes that because of the unique relationship between Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and US President Donald Trump, Israel may act as it wishes in any matter, since “Trump is behind us.”
I believe that this is a strategic error that could exact a heavy price. To understand how, we need look no further than the drone that struck Ramon Airport in southern Israel last Monday and to President Trump’s critical response to Israel’s attack on Hamas leaders in Doha the next day.
Let me explain. The said approach ignores the fact that America and its president have their own interests and priorities, which are not always identical to Israel’s.
It also overlooks the US system of government, which includes term limits and is built on checks and balances. From my experience in the Foreign Ministry – and especially at the embassy in Washington – I can attest that for decades, Israel benefited from inbuilt tensions between the executive branch (headed by the president and his administration) and the legislative branch (a bicameral Congress). Relying exclusively on the president reduces our ability to maneuver, and that, in turn, weakens Israel’s standing and undermines its ability to achieve its goals.
This becomes evident when viewing the election calendar. Trump’s second and final term will end in January 2029. Before that, midterm elections for Congress will be held in November 2026. At stake are 33 of the 100 seats in the Senate and all 435 House seats. Current polling suggests that Republicans will keep their majority in the Senate, while Democrats will take control of the House.
The president’s support is, of course, a huge asset. However, Trump himself admitted that, at least in this context, he is not America. In a recent interview, he said that 20 years ago, the pro-Israel lobby was the strongest in Washington. Now, he claimed, that is no longer the case, and Israel is losing public opinion.
General decline in support for Israel among Americans
Indeed, polls show a steady decline in support among Democrats and Republicans alike, including evangelicals. This means that presidential support alone is insufficient. We must engage with all sectors.
This is because the American system demands that no dollar leave the Treasury without agreement between the White House and both houses of Congress. Therefore, given changing public opinion and politicians’ desire to comply with voters’ wishes, Israel should not assume that American money, equipment, or diplomatic support are eternally guaranteed. Nor should we surmise that current understandings between our respective leaders will forever bind the US.
Even if we set aside Trump’s unpredictable personality, policy changes can hurt Israel, and this brings me to the Houthi drone that hit Ramon Airport. In March, after Houthi attacks on international shipping lanes in the Red Sea and in the Gulf of Aden, Trump ordered US strikes against them. In May, he announced that since the Houthis would no longer attack American ships, America would cease attacking them.
This decision is compatible with a strong isolationist trend among Republicans and reflects a desire to reduce US involvement in other nations’ problems. It also upended previous understandings and surprised Israel and other US allies in the region.
Luckily, the hit caused no significant damage. Yet, what if it had struck Ben-Gurion Airport? We should remember that the attack came after the man who calls himself Israel’s greatest friend ever, and on whom we place our full trust and reliance, left us to face the threat from Yemen alone.
“Trump is with us” is important, but it is not enough. We must act now to restore bipartisan support. It is a vital condition for securing Israel’s future.
The writer was Israel’s first ambassador to the Baltic states after the disintegration of the Soviet Union, ambassador to South Africa, and congressional liaison officer at the embassy in Washington. She is a graduate of Israel’s National Defense College.