Last month, Foreign Minister Gideon Sa’ar announced that Israel would open an embassy in Estonia. Immediately, I heard criticism: So what if it is a member of organizations like NATO and is advanced in hi-tech? Who opens an embassy in a country with about a million and a half people, and barely 2,000 Jews? What a waste of money, especially in times of crisis. I disagree. It is an excellent use of money, especially now.
Having served as Israel’s first ambassador to the three Baltic countries (Latvia, Lithuania, and Estonia) after the collapse of the Soviet Union, I might not have started the expansion of our diplomatic network there. But I strongly believe that extending the scope of Israel’s representation abroad is a vital use of national resources.
By my estimate, the cost of operating a small diplomatic mission is around $2 million a year, possibly less. In comparison, a single tank costs about $5 million, while a fighter jet costs tens of millions, all this before fuel, munitions, and so on.
Israel’s global relationships are an essential component of its national security; for a fraction of the defense budget, they can receive the attention they deserve.
It is true that not every Israeli policy can be explained, nor can some statements made by senior office holders, including cabinet ministers. Yet to explain what is explicable, resources are needed, namely people and money.
Nevertheless, the Foreign Ministry was treated for years as a political prize. Parts of its responsibilities were parceled out to serve partisan needs, and continuous budget cuts crippled its activity.
Israel's missions abroad
Take Israel's presence in Sub-Saharan Africa. At its peak in the early 1970s, Israel maintained more than 30 missions there. Today, we have fewer than a dozen (less than half the number maintained by the Palestinian Authority), all with minimal staffing.
To illustrate: During the Second Intifada, when I was ambassador to South Africa, including during the infamous 2001 UN World Conference against Racism in Durban, the equation of Israel and apartheid took hold internationally.
South Africa covers an area 50 times the size of Israel and has three major centers of power: government and embassies are in Pretoria; parliament sits in Cape Town, which is a two-hour flight away; and the media, business hub, and most of the Jewish community are in Johannesburg, an hour’s drive from the embassy.
Additionally, the embassy was also responsible for Swaziland (now Eswatini) and Lesotho. When the embassy in Zimbabwe was closed, it also fell to us, together with Namibia and Botswana. And now for the part that always elicits disbelief: the entire diplomatic responsibility was on the shoulders of two people – me and my deputy.
True, a third emissary from Israel served as consul and administrator, there was some presence of trade and security attachés, and we hired spouses of Israeli emissaries and local staff. But for all practical purposes, two people were charged with handling all political, public, academic, and interfaith relations in one of Africa’s most important countries, plus several others. Even assuming perfect skills and endless energy, doing it properly is humanly impossible.
You might say, Africa? Who cares? But every country has potential. Every country has a vote in the UN General Assembly, and at times holds a rotating seat on the Security Council, whose resolutions are binding. That is why I was gratified to hear that an embassy was recently opened in Zambia, hopefully the forerunner of many more, not only in Africa.
Take the United States. In addition to the embassy in Washington, Israel maintains eight consulates-general there. With the exception of New York and Los Angeles, staffing levels are as described above, sometimes less. The deputy chief of the mission is then also responsible for administrative and consular affairs. Divide 350 million Americans, or 50 states, each with a governor, legislature, universities, and more, by just eight consulates.
Continued US support is existential for Israel, yet even under normal circumstances, and certainly in times of crisis, diplomatic staff can barely cover vital matters, let alone everything else.
Funding new missions and supporting existing ones
When Sa'ar left the opposition and rejoined Benjamin Netanyahu, his ministry was promised a budget increase of half a billion shekels. With such a sum, Israel could open many new missions and significantly reinforce existing ones.
If the new missions mentioned here prove to be just the first steps, with others to follow, and if Sa’ar secures consistent, long-term funding that allows for strategic planning, then he will be able to claim a significant contribution to Israel’s future standing in the world.
The writer was Israel’s first ambassador to the Baltic states after the disintegration of the Soviet Union, ambassador to South Africa, and congressional liaison officer at the embassy in Washington. She is a graduate of Israel’s National Defense College.