This week, several media outlets in the Middle East published the text of the Makkah Defense Pact between Saudi Arabia, Turkey, and Pakistan. The texts are largely the same across media, with a few minor differences.
This pact matters more than ever because the region is becoming more unstable due to the war with the Islamic Republic of Iran. Saudi Arabia is being targeted by the Iranian-backed Houthis. The United States is said to be supporting Saudi Arabia with advice or other non-kinetic means. This essentially means that the US is not currently willing to bomb the Houthis. The United Kingdom is sending warplanes to Saudi Arabia. Egypt may also send forces to assist in their defense. Reports even indicate that Israel could help Riyadh if the kingdom agrees.
The Makkah Defense Pact between Saudi Arabia, Turkey and Pakistan was signed in Mecca on August 7, 2026, by Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman (MBS), Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan, and Pakistani Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif. It established a trilateral defense agreement under which an armed attack against one member is considered an attack against all three. This is similar to the concept of NATO. However, so far the pact has not been activated.
The text of the Makkah Defense Pact is now circulating because it has been presented at Turkey’s parliament. It provides for joint military training, intelligence sharing, defense industrial cooperation, and a permanent secretariat in Saudi Arabia.
What does the pact say?
The text published by The National on October 21 reveals that the pact between the three countries is more than a mutual defense agreement. In its 16 articles, it envisages a permanent military and political structure, intelligence sharing, joint defense production, and other plans.
The Jerusalem Post examined various versions of the text that had also been published by Middle East Eye and the newspaper Dawn in Pakistan. The texts were very similar. The articles focus on key points such as protection against threats to sovereignty, an attack on one considered attack on all, joint training, exercises and deployments, defense industry cooperation, establishing a permanent committee, and secretariat in Saudi Arabia, and having a first secretary-general from Pakistan, as well as the possibility of admitting additional countries. It also envisions intelligence sharing and logistical support.
Several points in the text are worth noting. Article 2 notes that an attack on one is considered an attack on all. It contains a NATO-style collective defense clause. However, the three countries retain discretion over the extent and nature of the assistance they provide, including military support.
The pact discusses threats, as well as actual attacks. Article 1 says the countries will use all necessary means when another member’s sovereignty, territorial integrity, or recognized borders are threatened or endangered. This, potentially, demands more than mutual defense. In addition, Article 6 calls for joint training, military exercises, personnel exchanges, and deployments during both peacetime and wartime.
Article 7 focuses on industrial cooperation as a central pillar of the pact. It comes as Qatar, Indonesia, Turkey, and Pakistan have agreed to a deal to expand cooperation in their defense industrial base. Article 7 of the pact focuses on joint weapons production, research and development, specialized technologies, defense innovation, and training personnel.
Meanwhile, Article 8 creates a “Strategic Political and Defense Committee” involving the foreign ministers, defense ministers, and military chiefs of all three countries that will meet twice a year.
Articles 9 and 10 focus on intelligence sharing and the provision of weapons, ammunition, fuel, spare parts, and other military supplies during peace, war, and other contingencies.
What matters most for the Middle East is whether this pact will actually fulfill many of these visions.
Saudi Arabia, Pakistan, and Turkey have also discussed whether more countries might join. Article 8.4 establishes a method for admitting additional members, subject to consensus among the three countries. This implies an ambition to build a larger security organization rather than simply maintain a trilateral alliance.
The initial concept is that Saudi Arabia will host the permanent secretariat, while Pakistan gets the first secretary general. In addition, Article 8.5-6 establishes the secretariat in Saudi Arabia, with a secretary general appointed on a rotating three-year basis. Pakistan will hold the first term in this significant institutional commitment. This is a meaty part of the agreement, laying out specific bureaucratic functions.
Articles 6 and 10 cover military deployments, joint work, and logistical support during “wartime and peacetime.” This could enable the countries to establish regular joint military activities rather than cooperate only during emergencies. This would be similar to NATO drills or the frequent large joint exercises the US backs around the world.
Article 13 of the deal prohibits sharing confidential information with outside governments, companies, or individuals. This raises interesting concerns about how the arrangement would interact with existing intelligence partnerships, particularly Turkey’s NATO relationships and Saudi Arabia and Pakistan’s relationships with Washington.
In Article 16, there is a sentence noting that any party “may withdraw from this agreement after 10 years have elapsed from its entry into force, by giving the other parties written notification of its intention to withdraw through diplomatic channels at least three months in advance.” This is a strong long-term commitment. To avoid issues with NATO, the agreement notes that existing treaties are protected.
Does the pact represent the beginning of a new regional military alliance?
The permanent secretariat, rotating leadership, regular ministerial meetings, and provision for admitting new members suggest something more ambitious than an ordinary defense cooperation memorandum.
There could also be an impact on the balance of power in the Middle East. Turkey brings a large defense industry and NATO experience, while Pakistan brings major military capabilities and nuclear weapons. All the countries are partners or allies of the US.
The only differences in the texts published by the various media that the Post could identify were in Middle East Eye and The National.
The Middle East Eye translation stated that the countries will support “technology sharing among defense-industry institutions, joint technology development, joint production.”
The National version mentioned defense co-production, research and development, and exchanging expertise, but does not explicitly use the phrase “technology sharing.” It was not clear why there is this slight difference in wording.