Palestinian Authority President Mahmoud Abbas’s recent announcement about holding legislative elections on November 28 has set the Palestinian political scene in motion, prompting politicians, activists, and potential candidates to quietly begin preparations and explore possible alliances.

Behind the scenes, discussions are under way about how lists might be formed, who could run, and what the next parliament might look like.

While some Palestinians see the anticipated vote as an opportunity for renewal and change, others voice doubts about what lies ahead.

Unlike the parliamentary elections, no date has been announced for the presidency; Abbas has only declared it will occur in early 2027.

Critics argue that his decision to schedule elections for the Palestinian Legislative Council (the Palestinian parliament) before the presidential election is a calculated move to secure his rule and test the political climate before risking a presidential race.

Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas leads the newly elected Fatah Central Committee meeting in Ramallah in the West Bank, June 3, 2026.
Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas leads the newly elected Fatah Central Committee meeting in Ramallah in the West Bank, June 3, 2026. (credit: PPO/Handout/REUTERS)

Abbas fears losing presidency to rivals in Fatah, Hamas

“Abbas prefers to do it in this order of elections because he fears losing the presidency to his rivals, whether from Fatah or Hamas,” critics said. Holding presidential and legislative elections simultaneously has also long been a demand of Hamas.

Palestinian analyst, intellectual, and human rights activist Omar Rahal explained that Abbas wants to see the outcomes of the parliament vote before moving forward with any presidential race.

“He seeks to see how the legislative council is shaped; who wins, who gets the most seats,” Rahal told The Jerusalem Post.

“If Abbas’s rivals gain significant support, he may still have time to maneuver and potentially delay a presidential vote,” he said. “But if he goes to a presidential vote first and loses, then there is nothing much he can do to fix or reverse it,” Rahal noted.

Hamas has not officially said whether it will boycott or participate in the elections. Rahal assessed that Hamas would likely avoid public participation, partly because of what he described as the expected Israeli crackdown on its members or supporters through arrests and other restrictions.

He also pointed to Abbas’s recent amendment to the law requiring all candidates to commit to the PLO’s policies and programs, including the Oslo Accords and the recognition of Israel, which Hamas rejects.

Rahal said that this restriction may limit Hamas’s participation, but added that it has also fueled resentment among some in the Palestinian public in the West Bank, since the organization is considered part of the social and political fabric.

One scenario that he and other Palestinian observers pointed to was that while Hamas may not officially field its members, it may take part by supporting favored candidates running as independents.

Another key issue is whether prominent figures from the Fatah movement, which is headed by Abbas, will form separate lists, a move that could fuel tensions.

Rahal explained that while official Fatah members are barred from running on separate lists rather than the official one led by Abbas, Abbas cannot prevent former Fatah figures or individuals affiliated with the movement from running independently.

“Different lists will emerge of those who identify with Fatah but are not formal members of its top institutions,” he said.
As for competing lists that may be formed, attention is focused on Mohammad Dahlan, Abbas’s prominent political rival in Fatah.

“Even if Dahlan does not run himself, his supporters are expected to put forward a list,” Rahal said, noting that the same applies to Marwan Barghouti, a Fatah leader who has been serving five life sentences in Israeli prison for his role in terrorist attacks against Israelis in the Second Intifada.

“Barghouti’s affiliates could also run or form a list, though he himself is more associated with future presidential elections than with the legislative vote,” Rahal added.

Palestinian observers said that disagreements are also expected over the composition of the official Fatah Party, and some argued that “Abbas is likely to shape the official Fatah list, selecting the candidates and approving the final slate.”

Rahal assessed that Fatah members and affiliates, including independents such as academics, are likely to form the largest bloc in the new parliament.

He added that “people in general are encouraged by the announced vote, hoping for greater representation for various sections and groups.”

A decree issued by Abbas stipulated increasing the number of members of the Palestinian Legislative Council to 200, lowering the electoral threshold to 1%, and raising the minimum number of candidates on each electoral list to 20 instead of 16.

Doubts that November election will take place

However, some doubt whether the vote will actually take place, claiming that “if Abbas believes that the vote exposes him to challenges from rivals of any kind, he will find a way to delay the election.”

“Abbas is playing everyone for his own benefit,” a Palestinian political activist told the Post, pointing to the elections that the PA leader declared in 2021 and then canceled, on the pretext that Israel does not allow voting in east Jerusalem.

“We’ve already been in that film,” the activist said. “He made the announcement because he knows people are angry about his recent move to introduce his son, Yasser Abbas, to Fatah’s central committee. He is trying now to shift public attention to something else so there will be less talk on that issue,” he charged.

Abbas’s presidential decree called on “the Palestinian people in Jerusalem, the West Bank, and the Gaza Strip to participate in free and direct elections.”

Israel's approval required to conduct voting

Rahal noted that Israel’s approval is required to conduct voting in east Jerusalem and Gaza, and “without it the process could be disrupted.”

However, another scenario suggested by Rahal and other observers is that, unlike in 2021, this time Abbas may proceed with the legislative elections even if voting in east Jerusalem and Gaza is only partially or symbolically possible.

Given the current circumstances, they explained, the vote is seen as essential not only to signal Abbas’s intent to renew legitimacy both domestically and internationally, but also “to avoid giving the Israelis an excuse to claim that the PA is corrupt and not a viable partner.”

“Abbas seeks to demonstrate seriousness to the US administration, as it has already conditioned future progress toward Palestinian statehood and engagement in post-Gaza arrangements on meaningful reforms,” Rahal said.

He added that “the PA wants to remove any pretext used by the right-wing Israeli government that Palestinians are an obstacle to peace and that the two-state solution should be pushed aside.”