Stan’s the name: Inside Israel’s growing partnerships across Central Asia

It is a region of mystery and intrigue. From mountain peaks to deserts to the Eurasian Steppe, over the centuries much has come from Central Asia.

The world witnessed the Huns under Attila emerge from the dust. Then the Mongol Horde came, soon followed by the Black Death. It is an area of trade, central to the Silk Road along which Marco Polo traveled to China. The Russians thought it valuable enough to spend 200 years conquering the entire region.

It is also becoming a growing partner for Israel as the Jewish state looks to expand its diplomatic ties and trade in Central Asia.

You may know the countries as the “Stans”: Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, and Uzbekistan. Five countries that all share the same suffix, stan. In Persian, it means “land” or “place of.” But in reality, they are as different as they are similar.

What was once a polite but limited set of relationships has, over the last several years, expanded into cooperation on several fronts, driven by shared security concerns, technological engagement, historical links (particularly with the ancient Jewish communities of Uzbekistan), and a desire on the whole of the “Stans” to move forward into the 21st century.

For Israeli officials, there is a whole world of potential growth with the republics of Central Asia. Although Muslim-majority nations, the “Stans” have also discovered the benefits of working with the Jewish state.

Israel has quietly become a partner that many of these countries want to work with. Together, they are building a new diplomatic bridge stretching from Jerusalem to Tashkent, Astana, Dushanbe, Bishkek, and Ashgabat in a network of cooperation that is becoming increasingly important.

Central Asia’s rise as a priority for Israel is also connected to larger changes taking shape in the region. For so long, even post-independence, the Central Asian nations were dependent upon Russia; much of their infrastructure was a remnant of the Soviet system. But these countries are now approaching 35 years of independence, and the area is a competitive geopolitical arena in its own right.

Russia’s position, once dominant, has eroded significantly since it invaded Ukraine. Sanctions and economic pressures have reduced Moscow’s capacity to influence events in the region. Many Central Asian states have distanced themselves from Russia politically and economically, seeking to diversify their diplomatic friendships. According to the global think tank The Carnegie Endowment for International Peace (CEIP), Russian non-energy trade with Central Asia has declined sharply, while locals increasingly regard Moscow as an unreliable security partner due to the war in Ukraine.

China has stepped into much of that vacuum, investing more than $40 billion across the region under the Belt and Road Initiative, according to World Bank assessments. However, Beijing’s presence, which is heavy on infrastructure and long-term strategic commitments, also creates apprehension. Central Asian governments benefit from Chinese investment but are wary of dependency, domestic political backlash, and a feeling of indebtedness to the Chinese.

Iran, meanwhile, views Central Asia as a buffer zone and a potential corridor for influence. There is a land border, more than 1,000 km. long, between Iran and Turkmenistan, as well as access to Kazakhstan via the Caspian Sea. Tehran has intensified its intelligence activity in Tajikistan and Kazakhstan, and, according to reporting by SpecialEurasia (a consulting and media agency specializing in geopolitical intelligence and risk assessment), it expanded networks during and after the Israel-Iran conflict. For governments that border Afghanistan or fear ideological radicalization, Iran’s regional activity has become a growing concern.

Turkey, through its cultural and linguistic ties (four of the five “Stans” are populated by Turkic peoples speaking Turkic languages), has also sought to expand its influence, particularly in Kazakhstan and Kyrgyzstan. But Ankara’s assertive foreign policy, particularly in Syria, and ideological posture have limited its appeal as a primary partner.

The US, once active in the region, has significantly reduced its presence over the last decade, leaving a vacuum that Central Asian leaders are now attempting to fill with a wider range of partners.

In this ever-changing environment, Israel occupies an unusual position. It is seen as technologically advanced with much innovation, politically stable, and militarily competent, but geographically distant and non-threatening.

These countries “see cooperation with Israel in fields of common interest or where Israel has added value such as water management, agriculture, and irrigation,” Fuchs stated. “Another challenge they are facing in the region is border security – and not just terror, but drugs and other challenges.”

For these reasons, Israel’s credibility in Central Asia has grown precisely as traditional powers have faltered.

Although often spoken about as a single region, Central Asia’s five republics differ sharply. Their landscapes range from high mountain ranges to wide lowlands – differences that shape everything from trade routes to tourism. Their political systems, economies, and strategic priorities also vary widely. Israel’s relationships with each country reflect these distinctions.

Israel and the doubly landlocked country of Uzbekistan formalized diplomatic ties shortly after the breakup of the Soviet Union. Uzbekistan declared independence in 1991, and the two countries moved quickly to establish relations, doing so on February 21, 1992. Israel opened its embassy in Tashkent in May 1992, while Uzbekistan inaugurated its embassy in Israel in March 1997.

High-level contacts began early. Then-foreign minister Shimon Peres visited Uzbekistan in 1994, the same year the two states signed a tourism agreement that came into force in 1995. Several additional frameworks followed: an investment-protection treaty (signed in July 1994, effective from February 1997); a double-taxation avoidance agreement (signed in September 1998, which came into force at the end of 2000); and a 1997 accord on cooperation in culture, science, and education. A trade and economic cooperation agreement was concluded in 1998 and implemented the following year.

The first presidential visit took place in September 1998, when Uzbekistan’s founding president, Islam Karimov, traveled to Israel for a state visit.

More recently, in 2022, Israel’s embassy in Uzbekistan inaugurated a monument in Tashkent’s Victory Park to commemorate the Uzbek citizens who sheltered and supported Jewish refugees during World War II. Israel’s Foreign Ministry Director-General Gilad Shadmon met with the Ambassador of Uzbekistan to Israel, Jahongir Aminov, in September 2024 to discuss strengthening cooperation in climate, energy, and water ahead of the COP29 conference.

Israel–Uzbekistan trade reached $211 million in 2023, according to the Uzbek Investment Ministry. While modest compared to Israel’s major trade partners, the figure is rising steadily, and the sectors involved, such as agriculture, water management, and medical technology, are areas in which Israel’s expertise has clear practical value.

Israel’s ambassador to Uzbekistan and non-resident ambassador to Tajikistan, Gideon Lustig, told the Magazine that relations with both countries “are solid and sound and good. And they’re based on mutual respect and historical ties.”

“What’s beautiful about it, which many people in Israel do not understand, is that Central Asia is a huge part of the Earth. And sometimes Israelis tend to look at it when they fly to the Far East and not necessarily understand that there are a lot of things happening over here, and there’s a lot of shared history,” he said.

Israel and Kazakhstan established diplomatic relations in April 1992, soon after Kazakhstan’s independence, with Israel opening its embassy in Almaty that same year (later relocating it to Astana), and Kazakhstan inaugurating its embassy in Tel Aviv in 1996.

Over the decades, the two countries have built a broad partnership spanning trade, agriculture, intelligence, and defense cooperation, supported in part by the establishment of the Israel-Kazakhstan Chamber of Commerce in 2004.

Despite occasional tensions, such as a 2009 corruption scandal involving Kazakh defense purchases from Israeli firms, the relationship has remained robust. Kazakhstan has also sent farmers, scientists, and officials to Israel for training.

Fuchs noted to the Magazine that even amid criticism of Israel due to the war with Hamas, the region has largely remained measured. He pointed to continued visits, such as that of Knesset Speaker Amir Ohana to Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan last spring, and said there are “good signs that they are ready and even more than ready to continue working with us on all economic cooperation.”

Israel’s current ambassador to Kazakhstan and non-resident ambassador to Kyrgyzstan is Yoav Bistritsky, who has been in the role for a few months, replacing Edwin Nathan Yabo Glusman.

Israel and Tajikistan established diplomatic relations on March 26, 1992. Israel handles its ties with Dushanbe through its embassy in Tashkent, and the relationship has developed slowly but steadily over the years. High-level contact began early when Tajikistan’s then-president Emomali Rahmon met then-prime minister Yitzhak Rabin at the UN General Assembly in 1995.

However, on-the-ground engagement remained limited until much later. The first official Israeli delegation to visit Tajikistan arrived in 2016, when MKs Sharren Haskel and Yossi Yona traveled to Dushanbe, marking the start of a more active phase in the bilateral relationship.

Tajikistan is also defined by its security vulnerabilities. The country shares a 1,300-km. border with Afghanistan, and fears of extremist spillover, drug trafficking, and infiltration by foreign intelligence services dominate its strategic outlook.

Its terrain, which is mountainous in more than 90% of the country, contributes to the difficulties of maintaining such a border.

Lustig stressed that he serves as ambassador to both states and “we need to differentiate between the two,” but that “I take my [Tajikistan] portfolio very seriously and in the past year since I arrived, I have visited Dushanbe three times.”

Kyrgyzstan is a country that has experienced chronic political volatility during its short time of independence. It has had three revolutions in two decades, and its institutions remain fragile. Despite the instability, the government has expressed a strong interest in Israeli agriculture, digital governance, and water management technologies. Israel sees potential in Kyrgyzstan but recognizes the constraints imposed by domestic uncertainty.

Israel and Kyrgyzstan established diplomatic relations on March 4, 1992, soon after Kyrgyzstan gained independence from the Soviet Union. Over the years, Bishkek (its capital) has periodically explored the possibility of opening an embassy in Israel, first in the early 1990s and again in 2018, when senior Kyrgyz parliamentarians met their Israeli counterparts to discuss deepening political ties and the option of establishing a permanent diplomatic presence.

Cultural links have taken shape slowly. Bishkek hosted an Israeli film festival in 2016, and people-to-people exchanges have increased through professional and medical delegations. Israel has provided humanitarian assistance as well, most notably after the 2010 ethnic clashes in southern Kyrgyzstan. Israeli specialists have also offered direct support on the ground, such as a 2015 visit by Israeli ophthalmologists who provided free treatment to Kyrgyz patients and met with the Kyrgyz health minister to discuss further training programs.

While still modest in comparison to Israel’s partnerships with Uzbekistan or Kazakhstan, ties with Kyrgyzstan continue to broaden, driven by shared interests in development, agriculture, and medical cooperation, and a desire in Bishkek to learn from Israel’s experience in building modern, resilient institutions.

Yoav Bistritsky divides his role between Kazakhstan and Kyrgyzstan.

Perhaps the most enigmatic of all the Central Asian republics, Turkmenistan remains one of the world’s most closed states, but engagement with Israel has grown incrementally.

Saparmurat Niyazov, better known by his self-bestowed title Turkmenbasy (“Father of the Turkmen”), ruled Turkmenistan from 1985 until his death in 2006, first as the head of the Communist Party and then as the country’s president after independence.

Declared president for life in 1999, he presided over one of the world’s most authoritarian regimes, building an extreme cult of personality around himself. Niyazov renamed months and days after himself and his family, and required citizens to study his nationalistic autobiography, Ruhnama. By the time of his death, Turkmenistan suffered from some of the poorest social indicators in Central Asia.

Israel and Turkmenistan established formal relations shortly after Turkmenistan’s independence, with Israel recognizing the new state in 1991 and the two countries opening diplomatic ties in 1993. Throughout the 1990s, they signed a series of foundational agreements covering culture, education, science, health, medicine, investment protection, tourism, and air transport, accompanied by senior visits including Peres’s 1994 trip to Ashgabat, and Turkmen president Niyazov’s visits to Jerusalem in 1995 and 1997.

After a quieter period, the 2000s and 2010s saw renewed engagement through regular political dialogues, ministerial visits, and cooperation programs in fields such as energy, agriculture, water, and health. High-level meetings continued, which included agreements in 2021 to expand health cooperation through 2025, and discussions on broader regional formats like C5+1.

The relationship deepened further in 2023 when Israel’s then-foreign minister Eli Cohen visited Ashgabat to inaugurate Israel’s new embassy offices, marking a significant milestone in over three decades of steadily expanding ties.

“In Turkmenistan, for many years we had a non-resident ambassador,” Fuchs said. “We have opened a permanent embassy a few years ago. Their main interest is water supply, water management, irrigation, all kinds of water issues. It’s very rich [mainly] in gas, so there is plenty of economic cooperation. Economic development is important in relations with Turkmenistan.”

Israel’s current ambassador to Turkmenistan is Ismail Khaldi, who was the first Bedouin to serve as a diplomat for the Foreign Ministry.

It is impossible to understand Israel’s relationship with Central Asia without acknowledging the deep Jewish roots embedded in the region’s history. Long before the rise of modern borders or the spread of Islam, Jewish communities thrived along the Silk Road, particularly in the great trading cities of Bukhara and Samarkand.

Bukharan Jews, whose presence stretches back more than two millennia, left a cultural and religious imprint on the region that survives until today.

“In both countries, there is a history of Jews along the Silk Road, in the cities of Bukhara and Samarkand,” Fuchs said. “But there is also a history of saving Jews in Kazakhstan, in Uzbekistan, and other countries during World War II.”

Fuchs also emphasized the scale of this wartime rescue: “Many Jews from the West fled during World War II to the east of the Soviet Union to escape from the Nazis and from the war. We’re talking very big numbers. So they’re very, very proud of this history, and we are very grateful.”

During WW II, hundreds of thousands of Jews were evacuated eastward by the Soviet government to escape the Nazi advance. Uzbekistan and Kazakhstan became major centers of refuge: Tens of thousands lived in Tashkent, Samarkand, and Bukhara, while Kazakhstan’s Jewish population swelled further as Stalin deported Jewish families from the former Pale of Settlement.

By the late 1980s, Kazakhstan’s Jewish community numbered in the tens of thousands, although most immigrated to Israel after the fall of the USSR. Today, roughly 3,300 Jews remain, supported by more than 20 Jewish organizations and 14 Jewish day schools. Astana’s Beit Rachel Synagogue, opened in 2004, stands as the largest in Central Asia.

In Uzbekistan, the Jewish population today is around 13,000, including roughly 3,000 Bukharan Jews, with the majority living in Tashkent. Smaller communities continue to exist in Samarkand, Bukhara, Fergana, and Andijan. These communities, though reduced, remain a living bridge between Israel and Central Asia.

The story is similar in Kyrgyzstan, where Jewish history is tied directly to the Bukharan communities of Uzbekistan. European Jews later settled in the Kyrgyz regions during the Soviet era, and though only a small community remains, the legacy is still visible.

Lustig described how present that memory still is in everyday diplomacy. “Everywhere I go [in Uzbekistan], there’s a Jewish cemetery, and they’re well preserved,” he said, calling it a powerful reminder “of how vibrant Jewish life used to be here.”

Local authorities, Lustig stated, take pride in maintaining these sites: Synagogues, cemeteries, and historical districts are often restored or protected in cooperation with Israeli and Diaspora organizations.

Tajikistan’s story is more tragic. Once home to almost 15,000 Jews, which included Bukharan and Ashkenazi communities, the country’s Jewish population was largely emptied by the civil war of the early 1990s. Violence, poverty, and instability forced all but a handful to flee. Between 1989 and 2002, all but 197 Tajik Jews emigrated, mostly to Israel.

As of the 2010 census, only 36 Jews remained, most of them elderly and dependent on aid. Dushanbe’s last synagogue, the only one still functioning in the entire country, is a lone remnant of what was once a thriving community. The death in 2021 of Jura Abaev, the last Jew in the city of Khujand, symbolized the near-disappearance of Jewish life in Tajikistan.

Despite cordial political ties and rising interest on both sides, economic engagement between Israel and the Central Asian republics still lags far behind its potential. Central Asia’s governments are eager for Israeli expertise, particularly in agriculture, water management, digital governance, and public health, yet bilateral trade remains modest.

Even in Kazakhstan, Israel’s most economically significant partner in the region, trade fluctuates at around $500 million annually and is driven overwhelmingly by energy. In 2023, Kazakhstan supplied roughly 40% of Israel’s crude oil, making it one of the Jewish state’s most important energy sources.

Bilateral cooperation between Israel and Kyrgyzstan has tended to focus on practical, development-oriented fields. In 2014, Kyrgyzstan’s agriculture minister signed an agreement with Israeli company Emi Technologies to build logistics centers in the country, reflecting growing interest in Israeli agricultural expertise. That same year, Kyrgyz economic officials held talks in Jerusalem on expanding cooperation in healthcare, agriculture, and IT, all areas in which

Israel’s experience is seen as particularly valuable.

Trade is quietly accelerating, as Israeli officials are keen to both bring Israeli innovation to the “Stans” and to help show Israelis that there is a whole region waiting to be explored.

Lustig told the Magazine that while bilateral numbers are “growing, although not as they should,” the trajectory is still positive.

Tourism, however, is beginning to reshape the landscape, particularly in Uzbekistan. Lustig said that Israeli tourism to Uzbekistan “is growing rapidly. It used to be a very niche destination, but now it’s developing into larger numbers in Israel.”

The shift, Lustig said, is already measurable. “In 2024, we had about 11,000 tourists from Israel, and the expectations for this year are to grow to between 15,000 and 20,000.

“The aviation market is evolving, and we see more airline companies coming in because they understand the potential, the economic potential,” he added. The ambassador also praised Uzbekistan’s airlines, which continued direct flights to and from Israel during the past two years of war.

Israel and Tajikistan signed their first-ever tourism agreement this past September, during a landmark visit to Dushanbe by Israeli Tourism Minister Haim Katz – the first time an Israeli minister has officially visited the Muslim-majority nation.

“Tajikistan numbers are very, very small, but tourism to Tajikistan is rising. Not in the same numbers [as other “Stans”]. But we had in the hundreds. More Israeli tourists, more hikers are talking about the wonderful sceneries and peaks that they can conquer in Tajikistan,” Lustig told the Magazine.

Kyrgyzstan, too, is beginning to surface on the Israeli travel map. Fuchs observed that “some Israelis have already discovered Kyrgyzstan as a tourist destination,” but the broader public still views the region as remote.

“For many, it looks like a very faraway part of the world, which is not the case. It’s only a couple of hours’ flight, and it’s friendly,” he asserted.

Individually, each of the “Stans” has something different to offer Israel and much to gain from Israeli knowledge and experience.

Be it Uzbekistan through tourism and trade, Kazakhstan through energy and technology, Tajikistan through security and emerging travel, Kyrgyzstan through development cooperation, there is much untapped potential for Jerusalem to grasp in the coming years.

The Central Asian region reemerged in Israel’s public sphere a few weeks ago, with the announcement that Kazakhstan had joined the Abraham Accords.

The decision by Kazakhstan to formally join the Abraham Accords is one of the most significant diplomatic developments in Israel’s engagement with Central Asia. The announcement came during a trilateral November 6 phone call of US President Donald Trump, Netanyahu, and Kazakh President Kassym-Jomart Tokayev.

Calling Kazakhstan’s entry “the first of many” expected in his second term, Trump claimed the expansion of the accords as “a major step forward in building bridges across the world,” adding that more nations were “lining up to embrace peace and prosperity.”

At a meeting at the White House with Central Asian officials, Trump publicly thanked the Kazakh president, calling Kazakhstan “a tremendous country with a tremendous leader.” Tokayev responded in similarly warm language, praising Trump as “the great leader, statesman, sent by heaven to bring common sense and traditions… back into the US’s policy,” and insisting that “millions of people in so many countries are so grateful to you.”

For many observers, Kazakhstan’s accession did not come as a surprise. Yeshaya Cohen, Kazakhstan’s chief rabbi, said the news was “exciting but not surprising,” pointing to the country’s long-standing commitment to tolerance and interfaith coexistence.

“I have lived here since 1994, and I see that Kazakhstan is a model for peace and tolerance,” Cohen said. With Israel and Kazakhstan maintaining diplomatic relations since 1992, he described the strengthening of ties as a natural and positive development.

Some have argued that Kazakhstan’s motivation has as much to do with Washington as with Jerusalem, in a strategic effort to bolster relations with the US on trade, investment, and security. But for Israel, the symbolism still matters.

Another Muslim-majority nation aligning itself publicly with the Abraham Accords can only be a positive step.

It is also interesting to note that officials from Kyrgyzstan, Uzbekistan, Tajikistan, and Turkmenistan were present at the White House, as there was a US-Central Asia summit taking place there, and perhaps the others will have been given food for thought watching Kazakhstan expand its relations with Israel.

For Israel, Central Asia is a unique region that has much to offer in terms of technological cooperation, strategic developments, and cultural and tourist exchanges.

The keyword presented to the Magazine by Israeli officials was “potential.” Much good work has been accomplished in the 30 years since these countries began their paths toward becoming self-supporting nations with the necessary infrastructure and diplomatic relations.

Looking ahead, “We see potential. That’s the bottom line,” Fuchs said. “We need to work harder. It’s not just the past that we build upon, but we are building a future based on common interest and goodwill.”

Lustig was equally optimistic, telling the Magazine, “I think we are at the stage of the history of these countries that they’re really jumping up and surging, and it is time. Whoever feels that there is an opportunity over here, they should explore it. Right now is the right moment,” the ambassador said.